His Thought and His Times (1966); Marjorie Bowen, Peter Porcupine (1971); James Sambrook, William Cobbett (1973); Raymond Williams, Cobbett (1983); and George Spater, William Cobbett: The Poor Man's Friend (1982), now the definitive biography. My analysis of Orestes Brownson rests on the multivolume edition of his works edited by his son and published in Detroit in 1883, together with his uncollected polemic against Horace Mann in the Boston Quarterly Review 2 (1839): 393-434. The biography by Thomas R. Ryan (1976) is not "definitive," as its subtitle immodestly asserts. Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., A Pilgrim's Progress (1939), makes no such claim but offers livelier reading. See also Americo D. Lopati's short biography in Twayne's series on American authors (1965).
Harold Laski, The Rise of Liberalism: The Philosophy of a Business Civilization (1936), and C. B. Macpherson, The Political Theory of Possessive Individualism (1962), exemplify the kind of interpretations of Locke challenged and largely displaced by recent scholarship, notably by John Dunn, The Political Theory ofJohn Locke (1969); Richard Ashcraft, Revolutionary Politics and Locke's Two Treatises of Government (1986); Neal Wood, John Locke and Agrarian Capitalism (1984); James Tully, A Discourse on Property: John Locke and His Adversaries (1980); and John William Marshall, "John Locke in Context" (Ph.D. diss., Johns Hopkins, 1989). My own interpretation of the early opposition to wage labor draws on material found in J. E. Crowley, This Sheba, Self: The Conceptualization of Economic Life in Eigbteenth-Century America (1974); Meyers, Jacksonian Persuasion; Kaufman, Capitalism, Slavery, and Republican Values; Howe, American Whigs; Sean Wilentz, Chants Democratic: New York City and the Rise of the American Working Class (1984); Eric Foner, Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Men: The Ideology of the Republican Party before the Civil War (1970); and the published reports of the New York constitutional convention of 1821. Herbert Croly's misgivings about wage labor can be found in Progressive Democracy (1914).
My discussion of labor history rests on E. P. Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class (1964); Herbert G. Gutman, Work, Culture, and Society in Industrializing America (1976); Eric Hobsbawm, Primitive Rebels (1959); Craig Calhoun, The Question of Class Struggle: Social Foundations of Popular Radicalism during the Industrial Revolution (1982); William H. Sewell, Jr., Work and Revolution in France (1980); Robert J. Bezucha, The Lyon Uprising of 1834 (1974); Joan Wallach Scott, The Glassworkers of Carmaux (1974); Edward Berenson, Populist Religion and Left-Wing Politics in France, 1830-1852 (1984); Alan Dawley, Class and Community: The Industrial Revolution in Lynn (1976); Bruce Laurie, Working People of Philadelphia (1980); Steven J. Ross, Workers on the Edge: Work, Leisure, and Politics in Industrializing Cincinnati (1985); Harry Braverman, Labor and Monopoly Capital (1974); David Brody, Workers in Industrial America (1980); Daniel Nelson, Managers and Workers: Origins of the New Factory System (1975); Richard Edwards, Contested Terrain: The Transformation of the Workplace (1979); David Montgomery, Beyond Eguality: Labor and the Radical Republicans (1967), Workers' Control in America (1979), and The Fall of the House of Labor (1987); Nick Salvatore, Eugene V. Debs (1982); Leon Fink, Workingmen's Democracy: The Knights of Labor and American Politics (1983); and Gregory S. Kealey, Toronto
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